Many common mental health disorders, including depression and anxiety, are associated with a tendency to internalize problems or, in other words, to direct feelings inwards instead of expressing them and sharing them with others. Past studies suggest that this tendency to withdraw from others and suppress emotions often emerges early, during childhood and adolescence.
Researchers at the University of Oslo and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health analyzed data collected from families in Norway to investigate the genetic underpinnings of children’s susceptibility to internalize problems.
Their findings, published in Nature Mental Health, show that this susceptibility is influenced both by the children’s genes and by those of their mothers and fathers.
“This paper grew out of a question I asked about four years ago, just after starting my postdoc,” Razieh Chegeni, first author of the paper, told Medical Xpress.
“I was at a conference and asked the behavioral geneticist Meike Bartels: why not put multiple polygenic scores and environmental factors into the same analysis and see which ones matter most for children and adolescent mental health?
“Her answer was that we did not really have the right methods for that yet. That stayed with me. Around the same time, I was starting to learn more about machine learning, especially regularized regression methods.”
Studying parent-child trios in Norway
When exploring the factors associated with a greater risk of developing specific mental health disorders, researchers often rely on polygenic scores. These are numerical estimates of a person’s genetic vulnerability to a specific disorder.
A central challenge in this field of research is that the effects of polygenic scores on the emergence of mental health disorders are typically very small compared to those of psychological and environmental factors, such as parenting styles, traumatic experiences, and friendships.
When the scores are modeled together with psychological and environmental factors, genetic effects tend to get lost and become difficult to uncover.
“Regularized regression made it possible to study many correlated predictors at once and still retain small but meaningful genetic contributions when they improve prediction,” said Chegeni.
“That was really the starting point for this paper. I became especially interested in direct and indirect parental genetic effects, because indirect parental effects sit right at the intersection of genetics and environment: parents’ genetically influenced traits may shape the environments their children grow up in.”
Chegeni and her colleagues wanted to explore the possibility that symptoms of anxiety and depression in children are influenced not only by the children’s own genetic predisposition to these disorders, but also indirectly by genetic characteristics of their parents. The researchers also tried to determine whether these indirect effects of parents’ genes were different in childhood and adolescence.
“One of the reasons this study was possible is that Norway built an extraordinary long-term family health resource,” explained Chegeni.
“Starting in 1999, the Norwegian Mother, Father and Child Cohort Study began recruiting families across the country, collecting information from parents during pregnancy and following children over time. As genetic data were available for mothers, fathers, and children, this gave us a rare opportunity to study mental health risk across the whole family rather than looking at the child alone.”
As part of their study, the researchers analyzed genetic and mental health-related data collected from 9,314 mother-father-child trios residing in Norway.
They specifically focused on reported symptoms of depression and anxiety at two different stages in the children’s development, namely when they were 8 years of age, and when they were 14. When children were 8, the symptoms were typically reported by their mothers, while at 14 they were reported by the adolescents themselves.
“Rosa Cheesman, Ph.D. and Ziada Ayorech, Ph.D. then calculated polygenic scores for 15 traits in each family member, including traits related to well-being, depression, ADHD, smoking, loneliness, and cognitive skills,” said Chegeni.
“A polygenic score is not a single ‘gene for’ a trait, but rather a summary of many small genetic influences associated with that trait. We used a machine-learning method called elastic net regression to analyze these many overlapping signals at the same time.”
Using a machine learning algorithm, the researchers compared four different genetic models to determine which one better accounted for the children’s vulnerability to internalize feelings. The first model only considered a child’s own genetic profile, the second the parents’ genetic profile, the third interaction effects across family members and the fourth combined all these factors.
“In simple terms, the child’s scores reflect a more direct genetic liability, while the parents’ scores may also capture indirect effects through the environment they help create for their child,” explained Chegeni.
“We found that the children’s tendency to depression and anxiety was linked not only to their own genetic predispositions, but also to parental genetic characteristics.”
What contributes to the development of depression and anxiety?
Overall, Chegeni and her colleagues found that the children’s depression and anxiety were most accurately predicted when considering both their own genetic profile and that of their parents. The parents’ genetic profile appeared to influence the children via indirect effects, such as their parenting style and the children’s home environment.
When the children reached adolescence, on the other hand, their own genetic profile appeared to play a greater role in their susceptibility to depression and anxiety. This was particularly evident for depression.
“Our findings suggest that risk may operate through more than one pathway: through the genes children inherit directly, and through parents’ genetically influenced traits that may shape caregiving, family climate, and the broader home environment,” said Chegeni.
“Importantly, we found that these patterns changed across development. Predictive accuracy was generally stronger at age 14 than at age 8, and for depression in particular, parental genetic factors appeared relatively more important in childhood, while children’s own genetic liability became more prominent in adolescence.”
Interestingly, the researchers also found that the genes that most contributed to a child’s susceptibility to internalizing problems differed in mothers and fathers. Genes that were found to play a role included father genes linked to well-being and mother genes linked to smoking and cognitive skills.
“Our paper challenges a narrower way of thinking about intergenerational risk,” said Chegeni. “Even in genetics, there has often been an assumption that if we want to understand why depression or anxiety runs in families, we should mainly look at parental depression- or anxiety-related risk. Our results suggest that this can miss a large part of the picture.”
The results of this study highlight the complexity of genetic factors contributing to the emergence of mental health disorders in childhood and adolescence. They also confirm that the risk of developing mental health disorders depends on a series of biological and environmental factors.
“Parental genetic predispositions related to well-being, smoking, cognitive skills, and ADHD also emerged as relevant predictors of offspring internalizing problems,” said Chegeni. “This suggests that intergenerational mental health risk may involve a broader range of parental traits than has often been assumed.”
Avenues for further research
While this study offers some valuable insight, the variance explained by the team’s genetic models was modest. For now, the insight it provides is thus meant to be scientifically informative and is not applicable in clinical settings.
“This study was an important step for me, but I see it as the beginning rather than the end of this line of work,” said Chegeni. “Now that I have a deeper understanding of gene-environment interplay and more experience with machine learning methods, I am moving toward models that bring these pieces together more directly.”
Chegeni and her colleagues are now conducting further studies in which they are combining the parent-child polygenic scores calculated as part of their recent study with a much broader set of environmental factors. For instance, they plan to consider the effects of these scores in conjunction with family history of mental illnesses, adverse life events, peer relationships and parental conflicts.
“Our goal is to better understand how genetic liability and lived experience work together, rather than studying them in isolation,” added Chegeni.
“I am especially interested in identifying which combinations of genetic and environmental factors matter most for adolescent mental health, how these influences change across development, and whether different pathways are more relevant for different outcomes.
“More broadly, I hope this work can help move the field beyond simple one-risk-factor models toward a more realistic understanding of mental health as the product of many small, interacting influences across the family and social environment.”